Wise Response

WR Appeal tabled in parliament by Dr Kennedy Graham

An hour ago, I received on the steps of Parliament this petition. I undertook to bring it immediately to the attention of the House. The Clerk has tabled the petition today. It is fair to say that this is perhaps the most important petition ever to be delivered to Parliament. It is called “The Appeal to Parliament for a New Zealand Risk Assessment”. It calls for the 50th Parliament to commit to an all-party risk assessment of how and where New Zealand might be exposed to key global threats. No single undertaking could be more important. The petition comes just 2 days after the fifth report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change on the assessed impacts of climate change for the world in the 21st century.

Text_InsertAs the petition puts it, we live on a biologically complex and exquisite planet, home to 7 billion people and a myriad of other unique life forms. We believe, say the petitioners, that it is our human responsibility to maintain the integrity of life support systems and the natural processes that sustain and renew them. It follows, they contend, that our generation must satisfy our present material needs in ways that do not diminish the prospect of their realisation for future generations. The petitioners express a concern. So far, they say, New Zealand has failed to truly face up to such unprecedented threats to its collective security. Yet with scientists saying that certain critical thresholds are upon us, the consequences of not taking the proper action will, in all probability, be disastrous and irreversible. “Therefore,” they say, “in the name of all our children and grandchildren we, the undersigned, call on the New Zealand Parliament to face up to this situation now… We believe that Parliament should build on its proud tradition of foresighted collective response to risks, and initiate a risk assessment as the first step in achieving a more secure future.”

This petition is signed by some 6,000 New Zealanders, with a leadership group of 100 signatories. They include a former Prime Minister and past MPs; the mayor of a major city; leading Māori; a number of former All Blacks and Black Caps; a university pro-vice-chancellor and other prominent academics; a former Parliamentary Commissioner for the Environment; a poet laureate; some of the country’s leading artists, authors and broadcasters; and several leading scientists who serve on the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change itself. I choose to cite one name, Sir Lloyd Geering, professor of religious studies at Victoria University. I cite him because, at age 96, Professor Geering is a member of the Order of New Zealand, the highest honour this country can bestow. This is no ordinary petition. It is no disparagement of any others brought to this House to recognise that this petition is of unprecedented magnitude and import. It essentially appeals to Parliament to consider the future of the planet and our nation, and it does so in light of the enormity of what lies before us.

This House is the arena for party rivalry and the contestation of ideas. We devote our time to critiquing each other and competing for electoral support. It is pluralistic democracy and that is fine, but there are issues that transcend domestic political competition—above all, the fate of the planet. There is no other phrase that can do it justice. It requires that we lower our swords and come together to reason our way through. There is something primordial occurring here and we need to be up to the task. We need to be up to the task, for future generations, not only our own, depend on the decisions we make in this House now and in the critical next few years. I advance this admonition to myself as much as to colleagues opposite. I have on occasion been critical—trenchantly so—of Government policy, but I have also held conferences in the neighbouring Chamber designed to enable us to come together in a different setting and spirit and reason our way to a cross-party consensus. May this appeal assist us in that endeavour. May it be favourably received.

Mo tātou, a mo ka uri, a muri ake nei

Green Party: Kennedy Graham’s speech on Climate Change

WR Appeal presented to Parliament

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Jimmy Green (Green Wig) from Generation Zero supports the Wise Response Appeal presentation on paliament steps.

 

The Appeal was presented on the steps of parliament, April 9th with support from Generation Zero.

Please note we will continue to collect signatures and support from organisations with a view to submitting them to the Select Committee.

 

Economist Geoff Bertram gave the following address:

My name is Geoff Bertram.  I’m an academic economist and much of my work focuses on the role of markets as instruments of human wellbeing. But wisdom in policy-making lies in acknowledging and understanding the limits of markets.

Those limits come in at least two forms:

  • There are things the market fails to do in the absence of policy intervention: pricing carbon, for example, or giving due weight to the interests of the poor and dispossessed.
  • There are things that money can’t buy, involving human values that often have to be protected from the encroachment of market values

Future generations are not well represented in today’s markets, but their interests deserve acknowledgment and respect from today’s policymakers. The precautionary principle is important here: do not do irreparable damage to the natural systems on which humanity depends.

Thorough and open-minded risk assessment is inherently part of the precautionary principle.
So I encourage all political parties to take this appeal seriously.

 

The Green Party and Labour both indicated support for the Appeal:

Green Party: Greens support high profile Kiwis’ call for climate action

Labour Party: Wise heads want wise response

 

Wise Response Appeal in the News

The presentation of the Appeal is covered in the media here:WR_Logo_trans_300dpi

 

 

Television 3: Academics: Take climate change seriously

Otago Daily Times: City academics to petition MPs

Scoop Independent News: Multi-sector NZ risk assessment would allow “Wise Response”

Appeal_PrintScoop Independent News: Greens support high profile Kiwis’ call for climate action

Scoop Independent News: Wise heads want wise response

Scoop Independent News: Support for ‘Wise Response’ call

New Zealand Herald: Is democracy for sale?

Climate Safety: Call for a risk assessment by our leaders

Otrago Dail Times: Council to consider action on campaign

China.org.cn: New Zealanders unite in call for climate change action

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Artist Nigel Brown supports Wise Response Campaign

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Nigel: “I worry that New Zealand is losing ecological values through shifts in government policy. A lot of good work can be undone quickly. So much forest has been cleared already. In my art I attempt to explore the human relationship to land and nature or even to reinvent it. There should I feel be an emphasis on “the great simplicities” and by that I mean our relationship to the basics: sun, moon, creatures, plants.”

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Appeal launched on AVAAZ !

We’ve just released a new push for signatories to build on the 3,500+ including you who have already signed via the website, in advance of our submission to parliament on the 9th April. Please can you re-sign this Avaaz petition via the link below, and then share. We will de-duplicate signatures to ensure we do not misrepresent our supporter numbers.

Avaaz

 

 

 

 

Once you’ve signed on, Avaaz gives you the option to utilise your social networks with options to share via Facebook, email, or via Twitter.
Sharing is really important to getting signatory numbers, and we’re asking you to do this via as many channels as you’re comfortable.
Alternatively, just share this letter below the line by forwarding via email to your networks. If you choose to do this, please delete this top section above the line below:

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Jeanette Fitzsimons supports ‘Wise Response’

One of New Zealand’s most respected politicians, voted most trustworthy party leader, Jeanette Fitzsimons, has endorsed the call from Wise Response for a cross-party risk assessment.

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“The overarching purpose of government must surely be to look ahead at the big picture, see the major threats and opportunities for the country, and act to protect our people and our environment. Wise Response has accurately pinpointed the key threats to NZ and in fact the world but they are not the issues government is currently preoccupied with. It is time the focus on the trivial was replaced with serious analysis of the big, hard issues that confront us.” Jeanette Fitzsimons

Submission to Parliament confirmed

Wednesday April 9, 2014 at 1.00pm has been accepted by the Speaker of the House for the presentation of our Appeal. While this is a non-partisan Appeal, unfortunately the rules of Parliament are such that this must be done through a political party. We have accepted the offer of Moana Mackey, Labour’s Environment and Climate Change spokesperson, to submit on our behalf. We will however present to the Parties that support us on the steps of Parliament or in the Parliament Foyer beforehand. The submission will consist of:

  • The Appeal itself with the list of 100 prominent NZers who agreed to support it and the evidence on which it is based;
  • The list of Political Parties and other organisations who have confirmed their support of the Appeal with any details about the numbers of members or employees they represent.
  • A list of the names of all individuals who have signed in support of the Appeal be it at public meetings, at the website or from the internet petition.
  • A covering letter from Wiseresponse giving a brief background of the group, the process and reinforcing what we are asking for.

Preliminary Programme for Presentation of Appeal to Parliament in Wellington 9 April 2014

Check for updates the day before!

1.00pm    Welcome: Steps of Parliament, adjacent Seddon statue.
1.05pm    Outline of the Appeal and short supporting statements: Sir Alan Mark, prominent NZ supporters and organisations.
1.15pm    Theatrical event led by Generation Zero supporting the call to confront symptoms of risk.
1.30pm    Handing over the Appeal and petition to the MPs: Sir Alan Mark, NZ youth, prominent NZ supporters and organisations.
1.35pm    Responses of supporting political parties. Labour, Green, NZ First and any other Party represented
1.45pm    Finish, followed by media interviews of prominent Appeal supporters.
2.15 -  3.30pm    Meeting of Appeal supporters to debrief and plan implementation of the Risk Assessment in the Old Parliament Building opposite, Rm GB604.WR_Logo_trans

 

Sir Geoffrey Palmer supports The Appeal

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Why Sir Geoffrey Palmer supports the “Wise Response”

From 1987 to 1990 I was Minister for the Environment in New Zealand.

It was during that time the Resource Management Act was designed. Now 22 years after it came into effect there are moves by the Government to weaken the environmental protections contained in Part 2 of the Act. I was lucky enough to go the Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro in 1992 and that Conference made too little progress in addressing global environmental problems. These experiences gave me a continuing interest in environmental law and the state of the planet,

I have come to realise that both New Zealand and the planet are imperilled by policy paralysis on the critical issues we face. New Zealand used to be a leader in addressing the problems of climate change and now we have slipped. Our own domestic environment faces difficult challenges from policies that involve the intensification of agriculture and will increase pollution of New Zealand’s waterways.

I November 2013 I published a lengthy memoir:  Geoffrey Palmer, Reform Victoria University Press, 2013). It contains a long chapter on the  environment, including such topics as the making of the Resource Management Act, saving the ozone layer, stopping drift net fishing, climate change and the inadequacies of international environmental law. I offer here the concluding portion of that chapter to explain why I think the situation deserves attention from concerned citizens.

 

What I think about the state of International Environmental Law

All these experiences led to a continuing interest in international environment law that has culminated in an American law school text, a book that over the last twenty years has gone into three editions. I shall try and summarise what I have learned and what my fears are. In doing so I must acknowledge my debt in this to my two co-authors Professor Burns Weston with whom I first taught at the University of Iowa in 1969 and Professor Jonathan Carlson of the University of Iowa. What I have written draws heavily upon the preface of our 2012 book.

International environmental law is an intensely practical subject although sometimes it does not appear so. That appearance is driven by the formidable problems of uncertainty and science that lie at the root of so many of the environmental problems that afflict the planet.

The real world practicality of the subject flows from the fact that political leaders, diplomats, public servants, business leaders, business and business advisers and civil society all now find themselves enmeshed in international environmental issues for significant portions of their working lives. This tendency follows the increasing globalisation of business and commerce and it is fed by the fact that no nation state alone can address and solve problems that require concerted collaborative action from several or many states.

The environment affects us all and influences all human activities that take place here on earth. On the other hand it is an uncomfortable fact that human activities seem to constitute the root cause of most of the international environmental problems we face. To some degree humans are imperilling their own future or even that of their species. Clearly natural disasters like earthquakes and volcanic eruptions are beyond human intervention, yet human activities in combination with natural disasters can also be devastating – think earthquakes, tsunami, and Japanese nuclear power plants.

The global community seems to lack the political will and determination to tackle many of these problems and solve them. While substantial commitment was present in earlier times, particularly around the time of the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development in 1992 at Rio de Janeiro, attention is now focussed elsewhere. The first edition of our book appeared two years after that Conference. It was a time of optimism and hope although progress at Rio did not match the magnitude of the problem. It is now more than ten years since the second edition of our book appeared in 1999. The way we see it the prospects for the health of our global environment have dimmed even since then. Economic adversity has shifted the political spotlight onto more immediate and serious economic problems flowing from the financial meltdown, the consequences of which continue to occupy the international community.

It seems to us that the last twenty years since Rio have by and large been wasted. There have been significant achievements – the improvement in the condition of the hole in the ozone layer is one of the most obvious – but the overall report card on progress in solving the environmental problems must receive a failing grade. We have had a reasonably constant stream of treaties and conventions that have been added to an already thick wad of international environmental instruments that cover in total something approaching 2,000 pages; but hard questions have to be asked. Have they made a difference or a sufficient difference?  My co- authors and I have been afflicted with a growing sense of pessimism. The outlook for our grandchildren appears bleak and the question has to be asked whether the current generation has failed future generations.

The condition of the international legal order seems to us not to be fit for purpose when it comes to dealing with the global environmental challenge. The incubus of outdated ideas about state sovereignty too often prevents progressive and necessary outcomes in a multitude of international environmental negotiations. The frustration, the waste of time and resources and the spinning of wheels that these negotiations involve should not be underestimated. These failures are attributable directly to the structural weaknesses of the international legal framework.

A new global legal regime bringing the virtues of the rule of law to protect the international environment seems as remote in 2013 as it was when I first taught the subject in 1991. While humankind can discern and analyse the needs it lacks the means to devise and implement measures to address those needs. I have developed forward this view not in some fit of impatient crusading zeal but on the basis of a sober, realistic assessment of where the world is at, both in terms of theory and of practice. Humankind’s destruction and defilement of the natural environment is seriously endangering the continuation of life on this planet. The failure is one of governance.

The essence of the task of the international environmental lawyer is to marry the techniques and modalities of public international law and apply it to what can be called the Global Environmental Problematique. This involves a complex matrix of scientific, political social, economic and ethical considerations. The task here is to try and secure an understanding of the nature and quality of the planet’s environmental problems and different intellectual perspectives that can be used to analyse them.  Is there an overarching problem or a series of discrete problems? No real progress will be made until issues of equity – on a global scale – are addressed, and problems rectified. The abstract, intellectual ‘North-South problem’ takes real meaning only if one examines and compares the lot of wealthy European or American individuals with that of a Chinese, Brazilian or Indian peasant. They are not the poorest in the world but they are numerous and have enough power to do something about the inequity, which will make the problem worse while they try to catch up. They are also aware that to a degree their own ‘environmental poverty’ is the result of the greed of developed nations and their colonial exploitation.

It is necessary to appreciate that international environmental law comprises law plus – and the plus draws from many academic disciplines that have important contributions to make when it comes to analysing both the problems and solutions. Virtually all of the sciences are engaged: physics, chemistry, ecology, meteorology, mathematics, atmospheric science, genetics, biology and geography, the last a discipline that spans both natural and social sciences.  Even engineers who deal with earthquakes are looking increasingly these days to social science research for dealing with how to handle the human problems that arise when dealing with people whose houses have been destroyed by earthquakes. Philosophy, ethics, feminism and anthropology all offer insights that can be valuable in the field of international environmental law.

Economics and the role of the market in the allocation of resources loom large in the international environmental law arena. Unbridled exploitation of natural resources can have profound and adverse environmental effects. The problem of externalising the environmental costs imposed by this exploitation can have bad effects and export of the costs to nation states other than one’s own is an issue that clearly arises. The polluter pays principle is firmly enough established and so is the precautionary principle but often they are avoided or evaded. Special interests can and do “screw the scrum” as they say in rugby, allowing subsidies for particular activities that may be environmentally deleterious.

When it comes to environmental issues the market fails to capture many of the values and contributions that are at play. The ecosystem provides many services to us all of which we are almost oblivious and these are difficult to deal with in market transactions – forests that reduce soil erosion as well as capture carbon, lakes that provide us with recreation, bees that pollinate crops and fruit trees, and shellfish that filter water pollution. Mountains and beaches provide many benefits both sporting and spiritual. How does the market cope with these?

Not only are battalions of scientists and economists, with their splendid but worrying diversity of views, required to analyse the right questions to ask, but the making of decisions to rectify the problems are required, and here is located what is often the missing link. Politics is the key – if politics is the art of the possible then the global environment seems to be testing us beyond the collective means at our disposal with which to respond. A famous political scientist Professor Harold Lasswell once stated, in a rather anthropocentric view of politics, that it was all about who got what, when, where and how. And if that is the case, as it certainly seems to be at least in the liberal democracies of the world, then who guards the environment?

In any age when specialisation and compartmentalisation seem in fashion and are necessary because of the complexity of things as we now understand them, international environmental law is a field in which analysts are required to put it all together again after looking in detail at the component parts. Some overall perspective, some big picture view is necessary, a quality that does not come easily to lawyers who like to and often need to think small.

What is called the law of ecological commons is based on the idea that centralised scientific and bureaucratic management has not succeeded in solving environmental problems over the past fifty years and more locally tailored, network driven solutions are necessary. Governance requires the formation and flourishing of commons. There are some international models for this, and the treaty regime that governs Antarctica is probably the closest real life model we have although space law is another one. For my co-authors and I an important and new emerging question is whether the present state‑centred and corporate order can be effectively challenged?

New thinking is required in the field given the nature of the problems and the failure to adequately address them. It is necessary to fashion a new approach designed to navigate around the problems of the past by taking a radical new approach. Humankind’s modern history is tragically marked by the squandering of non‑renewable resources, the wanton killing of precious life species, and the overall contamination and degradation of delicate ecosystems. So severe have these ecological misbehaviours become, indeed, that, alone and together, they now threaten Planet Earth to a degree unprecedented since the dinosaurs.

Radio NZ features Wise Response

Our Changing World Features Wise Response Appeal.

From the RNZ Website: Earlier this year a group of leading academics, environmentalists, business people and lawyers launched the Wise Response Appeal. Alison Ballance catches up with three of the movement’s founders to find out what they think the risks are, and how they are calling on the Government to allow the Parliamentary Commissioner for the Environment to undertake a wide-ranging risk assessment that takes into account, ecological security, economic security, energy and climate security, business continuity and genuine well-being. Alison speaks with Sir Alan Mark from the University of Otago; Jonathan Boston, professor of Public Policy in the School of Government at Victoria University; and Ralph Chapman, director of the Graduate Programme in Environmental Sciences at Victoria University.

The Interview can be heard here (12 minutes).


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